Margashirsha Shuddha Chaturthi
In this Anti-Hindu article, renowned magazine TIME is appeasing Muslims and defaming Hindus in India. We are reproducing the article here with counter comments. We also request Hindus to give reply to TIME about this article.
India’s Muslims in Crisis
By Jyoti Thottam, Mumbai & Ershad Mahmud, Islamabad
The disembodied voice was chilling in its rage. A gunman, holed up in the Oberoi Trident hotel in Mumbai (formerly Bombay), where some 40 people had been taken hostage, told an Indian news channel that the attacks were revenge for the persecution of Muslims in India. "We love this as our country, but when our mothers and sisters were being killed, where was everybody?" he asked via telephone. No answer came. But then he probably wasn’t expecting one. (If Hindus will also say that they will take revenge of Hindus killed in Kashmir & many terror attacks, then will it be possible for Muslims in India to live here safely and peacefully? In India, we Hindus do not think in this way and that’s why Muslims are more safe in India than in Pakistan.)
The roots of Muslim rage run deep in India, nourished by a long-held sense of injustice over what many Indian Muslims believe is institutionalized discrimination against the country’s largest minority group. The disparities between Muslims, who make up 13.4% of the population, and India’s Hindus, who hover at around 80%, are striking. There are exceptions, of course, but generally speaking, Muslim Indians have shorter life spans, worse health, lower literacy levels and lower-paying jobs. (This problem arises because of the narrow mindsets of Muslim community. They are not interested in learning other languages than Urdu. Also population growth rate of Muslims is very high in India as compared to any other community in India, so it may lead to problems of poverty & lower literacy ! Just few days back an Indian Muslim actor Firoz Khan went to Pakistan and there he said, “Indian Muslims are more happy and safe than the Muslim community in Pakistan” this itself tells the story. How pathetically Pakistani media is trying to cover the inabilities of their government.)
Add to that toxic brew the lingering resentment over 2002’s anti-Muslim riots in the state of Gujarat. The riots, instigated by Hindu nationalists, killed some 2,000 people, most of them Muslims. To this day, few of the perpetrators have been convicted. (Why writers do not talk about Genocide of Hindus in Kashmir, where more than 90,000 Hindus have been killed?)
The huge gap between Muslims and Hindus will continue to haunt India’s — and neighboring Pakistan’s — progress toward peace and prosperity. But before intercommunal relations can improve, there are even bigger problems that must first be worked out: the schism in subcontinental Islam and the religion’s place and role in modern India and Pakistan. It is a crisis 150 years in the making.
Two Faiths, Two Nations
But nationalistic trends were pulling at the fragile alliance, and India began to splinter along ethnic and religious lines. Following World War I, a populist Muslim poet-philosopher by the name of Muhammad Iqbal framed the Islamic zeitgeist when he questioned the position of minority Muslims in a future, independent India. The solution, Iqbal proposed, was an independent state for Muslim-majority provinces in northwestern India, a separate country where Muslims would rule themselves. The idea of Pakistan was born.
Mohammed Ali Jinnah, the Savile Row–suited lawyer who midwifed Pakistan into existence on Aug. 14, 1947, was notoriously ambiguous about how he envisioned the country once it became an independent state. Both he and Iqbal, who were friends until the poet’s death in 1938, had repeatedly stated their dream for a "modern, moderate and very enlightened Pakistan," says Sharifuddin Pirzada, Jinnah’s personal secretary. Jinnah’s own wish was that the Pakistani people, as members of a new, modern and democratic nation, would decide the country’s direction. (Why don’t writers write about killing of millions of Hindus in Pakistan & Bangladesh, when they were trying to return in India after the partition?)
But rarely in Pakistan’s history have its people lived Jinnah’s vision of a modern Muslim democracy. Only three times in its 62-year history has Pakistan seen a peaceful, democratic transition of power. With four disparate provinces, more than a dozen languages and dialects, and powerful neighbors, the country’s leaders — be they Presidents, Prime Ministers or army chiefs — have been forced to knit the nation together with the only thing Pakistanis have in common: religion.
Following the 1971 civil war, when East Pakistan, now Bangladesh, broke away, the populist Prime Minister Zulfikar Ali Bhutto embarked on a Muslim-identity program to prevent the country from fracturing further. General Mohammed Zia ul-Haq continued the Islamization campaign when he overthrew Bhutto in 1977, hoping to garner favor with the religious parties, the only constituency available to a military dictator. He instituted Shari’a courts, made blasphemy illegal and established laws that punished fornicators with lashes and held that rape victims could be convicted of adultery. When the Soviet Union invaded neighboring Afghanistan in December 1979, Pakistan was already poised for its own Islamic revolution.
Almost overnight, thousands of refugees poured over the border into Pakistan. Camps mushroomed, and so did madrasahs. Ostensibly created to educate the refugees, they provided the ideal recruiting ground for a new breed of soldier: mujahedin, or holy warriors, trained to vanquish the infidel invaders in America’s proxy war with the Soviet Union. Thousands of Pakistanis joined fellow Muslims from across the world to fight the Soviets. As far away as Karachi, high school kids started wearing "jihadi jackets," the pocketed vests popular with the mujahedin. Says Hamid Gul, then head of the Pakistan intelligence agency charged with arming and training the mujahedin: "In the 1980s, the world watched the people of Afghanistan stand up to tyranny, oppression and slavery. The spirit of jihad was rekindled, and it gave a new vision to the youth of Pakistan."
But jihad, as it is described in the Koran, does not end merely with political gain. It ends in a perfect Islamic state. The West’s, and Pakistan’s, cynical resurrection of something so profoundly powerful and complex unleashed a force that gave root to al-Qaeda’s rage, the Taliban’s dream of an Islamic utopia in Afghanistan, and in the dozens of radical Islamic groups rapidly replicating themselves in India and around the world today. "The promise of jihad was never fulfilled," says Gul. "Is it any wonder the fighting continues to this day?" Religion may have been used to unite Pakistan, but it is also tearing it apart.
India Today
In India, Islam is, in contrast, the other — purged by the British, denigrated by the Hindu right, mistrusted by the majority, marginalized by society. There are nearly as many Muslims in India as in all of Pakistan, but in a nation of more than a billion, they are still a minority, with all the burdens that minorities anywhere carry. (In 1947, Muslims were 2-3 % of total population in India and now they are more than 15% of total population in India! But in Pakistan and Bangladesh, where Hindus were nearly 25% of total population, they have become 4-5% of total population of both countries!)
Government surveys show that Muslims live shorter, poorer and unhealthier lives than Hindus and are often excluded from the better jobs.(These Govt. surveys are totally false, fake and are made to appease Muslim Vote bank. In many parts of India, Muslims are in majority and superior than any other Community in India.) To be sure, there are Muslim success stories in the booming economy. Azim Premji, the founder of the outsourcing giant Wipro, is one of the richest individuals in India. But for many Muslims, the inequality of the boom has reinforced their exclusion. (If Azim Premji can become so rich, then why other Muslims can’t make it so big? Isn’t it the problem and failure of Muslim community?)
Kashmir, a Muslim-dominated state whose fate had been left undecided in the chaos that led up to partition, remains a suppurating wound in India’s Muslim psyche. As the cause of three wars between India and Pakistan — one of which nearly went nuclear in 1999 — Kashmir has become a symbol of profound injustice to Indian Muslims, who believe that their government cares little for Kashmir’s claim of independence — which is based upon a 1948 U.N. resolution promising a plebiscite to determine the Kashmiri people’s future. That frustration has spilled into the rest of India in the form of several devastating terrorist attacks that have made Indian Muslims both perpetrators and victims. (Kashmir is inseparable part of India & a Hindu king was ruling there. So how Muslims can demand Kashmir as a separate nation from Hindu-majority India?)
A mounting sense of persecution, fueled by the government’s seeming reluctance to address the brutal anti-Muslim riots that killed more than 2,000 in the state of Gujarat in 2002, has aided the cause of homegrown militant groups. (If this is so, then no one should accuse Hindus, if they also make Bomb blasts to take revenge of killing of Hindus in Kashmir & other parts of India!) They include the banned Student Islamic Movement of India (SIMI), which was accused of detonating nine bombs in Mumbai during the course of 2003, killing close to 80. The 2006 terrorist attacks on the Mumbai commuter-rail system that killed 183 people were also blamed on SIMI as well as the pro-Kashmir Pakistani terrorist group Lashkar-e-Toiba (LeT). Those incidents exposed the all-too-common Hindu belief that Muslims aren’t really Indian. "LeT, SIMI — it doesn’t matter who was behind these attacks. They are all children of [Pervez] Musharraf," sneered Manish Shah, a Mumbai resident who lost his best friend in the explosions, referring to the then President of Pakistan. In India, unlike Pakistan, Islam does not unify but divide.
Still, many South Asian Muslims insist Islam is the one and only force that can bring the subcontinent together and return it to pre-eminence as a single whole. "We [Muslims] were the legal rulers of India, and in 1857 the British took that away from us," says Tarik Jan, a gentle-mannered scholar at Islamabad’s Institute of Policy Studies. "In 1947 they should have given that back to the Muslims." (India is a land of Hindus from last thousands of years. Muslims intruded in India in 768 AD and then ruled India for many years, killing Billions of Hindus. In 1674 AD Shivaji Maharaj established Empire of Hindus, to whom this land belongs! Hindus should also demand that Pakistan & Bangladesh should be given back to Hindus!) Jan is no militant, but he pines for the golden era of the Mughal period in the 1700s and has a fervent desire to see India, Pakistan and Bangladesh reunited under Islamic rule. (Then no one should accuse Hindus, if they dream to have reunited ‘Hindu Rashtra’, which includes today’s India, Pakistan, Bangladesh & Afghanistan!)
That sense of injustice is at the root of Muslim identity today. It has permeated every aspect of society and forms the basis of rising Islamic radicalism on the subcontinent. "People are hungry for justice," says Ahmed Rashid, a Pakistani journalist and author of the new book Descent into Chaos. "It is perceived to be the fundamental promise of the Koran." These twin phenomena — the longing many Muslims feel to see their religion restored as the subcontinent’s core, and the marks of both piety and extremism Islam bears — reflect the lack of strong political and civic institutions in the region for people to have faith in. If the subcontinent’s governments can’t provide those institutions, then terrorists like the Trident’s mysterious caller will continue asking questions. And providing their own answers. (If this is so, then in future Hindus will also try to do same thing to build there own Hindu Rashtra & no one should allege Hindus as Fundamentalists or Terrorists!)
Source: TIME
